May 13, 1983


Some unions may be too powerful; others

It's frequently said, for example, that there is nowhere a private power concentration comparable to that possessed by the United Steelworkers in its ability to shut down completely one of the most fundamental of all industries. To be sure, selective strikes by business broad unions would prevent a complete stoppage of output. It's moot, however, as to whether that would restrict union bargaining power. An improvement of negotiating power would more likely result. We found out about 2711-k10g10l1 panelview 1000 by searching books in the library. On the other hand, narrow representational units serving fragmented interest groups may also create problems that look over whelming Recent public emergency disputes in the marine sector and in the airline sector are illustrative. To read more, people should check-out: 22d-b017f104 powerflex 40p. Dig up more about cpu modules by visiting our poetic paper. The mechanisms and procedures used by most business wide unions to mediate between the conflicting objectives of workers are quite lacking in marine. Independent bargaining between a significant number of unions along with the employers is, in effect, carried out under extreme hindrances and has frequently been less than orderly or restrained How does a problem get solved when each of several unions insists the companies embrace its own particular alternative or "take a strike"? In the airline business, several Presidential Emergency Boards have concluded that a merger of the pilots and the flight engineers' unions would assist materially in achieving a fair and constructive resolution of the critical manning issues on jet aircraft. Catastrophes happen due to a scarcity of industry wide bargaining as frequently as they do because of this setup.

There are strong reasons, then, for identifying "proper component of representation" as important aspect of institutional change requirement in the area. Numerous experiments to effect the desired changes are under way. Some national unions have sought to synchronize their bargaining programs. Establishment of the tripartite ad hoc board in the railway industry, in 1959, to think about the consistent work rules problem had, among its inventions, the merit of bringing to one forum the several worker organizations whose interests overlap. A new organizational structure for was created, by Presidential Executive Order dated May 26, 1961, more sufficiently to deal with labour disputes at missile and space websites and to assure more economic operations there. The order was issued following broad consultation with the representatives of construction concerns, makers and labour unions involved and was accompanied by a no strike obligation by the unions. These committees would forecast impending difficulties, arranging for their resolution before they became acute, using completely all existing voluntary procedures and formulating new acceptable procedures where none exist.

A ready option of all missile site problems is not assured and is not likely, but the setting up of processes better adjusted to the circumstances of missile site operation is an outstanding case of creative thinking in the field of institutional change.

There are ironic, offsetting debits. The risks of technological change, notably the fear of job insecurity, have started attempts to perpetuate, and even to go, units of representation protective of narrow group interests. The intensified battle within the AFLCIO over the exclusive job jurisdictions of the component bodies is in point. Essential, too, is an increasing craft awareness of employees in many manufacturing and service industries..

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